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In light of the massive sociopolitical changes in Estonian society since 1991, it is not surprising that the unemployment rate has been high in Estonia. Average annual unemployment has varied from 6.5% and 6.6% in 1993 to 10.4% and 8.9% in 2004 for men and women 15–74 years of age, respectively. During this period the maximum unemployment rate peaked at 16.5% and 12.6% in 2000 for men and women, respectively. Employment disparities have been considerable across geographic regions and remain high; in 2004 the unemployment rate was 10% in Tallinn, but 17.9% in Ida‐Virumaa. High and heterogeneous unemployment rates often are important predictors of the volume and spatial patterning of sex work. 5 A similar pattern of disparities is also observed in average monthly net wages and in the gross domestic product per capita. 10 Interestingly, as of 2003, ethnic Estonians were the majority population of Tallinn but only a small minority of the population in Ida‐Virumaa which remains predominantly Russian. Ida‐Virumaa is at the easternmost border with Russia and its Soviet industrial base suffered after independence, leaving this region with the highest unemployment rates in the country. A sizable majority of the region’s Russian speaking population was not eligible for Estonia citizenship after independence and the area has experienced considerable political dissent since independence regarding potential secession from Estonia and many of its residents and leaders do not speak Estonian, which places them at a disadvantage for entering universities and competing for jobs, all of which now require fluency with the Estonian language.
Organised crime is a notable component of the social context in modern Estonia. The police conceptualise the history of crime in the recent past as being composed of two distinct periods. The first era (1991–1996/7) was marked by intense struggle and competition for primacy among different organised crime groups and experienced 400 murders per year. The second era (1996/7–present) is marked by a dynamic equilibrium of power among a smaller number of surviving organised crime cartels and 70–80 murders per year. (Law enforcement officials in Tallinn, personal communication May 2005.)
Following independence, the Estonian Parliament debated whether prostitution should be criminalised or legalised and concluded that neither option would prevail. Currently, adult exchanges of sex for money are not punishable under Estonia’s criminal code so long as they take place within one’s own residence and involve only adults, but acting as the middleman (pimp or procurer) is criminalised. 11.
As in other places, bacterial sexually transmitted diseases (STD) are on the decline in Estonia while viral STI incidence is increasing (Anneli Uusküla, unpublished data). Syphilis, gonorrhoea, Chlamydia trachomatis , trichomoniasis, and genital herpes simplex virus (HSV) infections are all reportable in Estonia, 12 but misdiagnoses and under‐reporting are frequent. 16 The population of Estonia is concentrated in Tallinn and the majority of STD are reported from Tallinn. Following independence, bacterial STDs and syphilis increased markedly in the country. 13 Trichomoniasis and chlamydial infection are the most frequently reported STDs. 14 Underscoring the importance of social context, in a recent study changes in syphilis incidence rate were correlated with concurrent changes in the unemployment rate and tuberculosis incidence. 15 Similarly, underscoring the importance of health system parameters, adherence to treatment guidelines seems to be less than perfect. 16 Seroprevalence of HSV‐2 among low risk populations is considerable. 17 The HIV epidemic was slow to start in Estonia and began to develop only after it entered into the drug injecting community. 18.
Substantial public attention, a recent scholarly conference, and a number of commissioned reports address trafficking of Estonian women for sex work abroad although few reports consider sex work within Estonia. 19 Despite the absence of any statistics on the trafficking of women in Estonia, several articles in the popular press and multiple reports estimate this is a considerable problem for Estonian women.
A rapid assessment was conducted in Tallinn in May 2005, to describe the socioeconomic and cultural determinants of sex work; assess the magnitude of sex work and trafficking; describe the organisational structure and distinct categories of sex work; depict the spatial patterning of sex work in Tallinn, and identify recent temporal changes in sex work patterns. In this article we describe the patterns of interaction we observed among sex workers, taxi drivers, organised crime, and the general population. We discuss the implications of our findings for the spatial and social dispersion of sex work; the effect of population size on sex work; and the impact of globalisation on sex work. Finally, we discuss the implications of our findings for public health programmes, policy formation, and future research.

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